Eisenkot’s Haredi Snub: How Israel’s Political Map Is Being Redrawn
Former Israeli chief of staff Gadi Eisenkot is carefully sidestepping an unexpected political embrace from the haredi Shas party, a move that would have been electoral gold a generation ago but now threatens to sink his campaign. The shift reveals a fundamental realignment in Israeli politics, where military conscription and national service have replaced peace talks as the defining issue.
Why Did Eisenkot Reject a Shas Endorsement?
Rabbi Yitzhak Yosef, the spiritual leader of Shas, publicly praised Eisenkot last weekend and suggested his party could support him as prime minister. Yosef even called Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu a “liar” over conscription laws. Yet Eisenkot, in a Channel 12 interview, coldly distanced himself. “I saw them in the media,” he said of Yosef’s remarks, adding he had not met the rabbi in a decade. He also denied any contacts with haredi lawmakers: “I am not flirting with them.”
This reaction reflects a seismic shift. In the 1990s, centrist and left-wing voters tolerated haredi coalition partners to advance the Oslo peace process. Today, Eisenkot’s potential electorate — including soft-right voters — views haredi draft exemptions as a top concern. Many Israelis resent that their own children serve while yeshiva students do not. Any hint of a deal would be instantly weaponized as a “stinking maneuver,” a reference to Shimon Peres’s failed 1990 backroom deal with haredi parties.
What Is Eisenkot’s Coalition Strategy?
Eisenkot is keeping his options open. He has said he would rule out any party that rejects the principle of military, national, or civilian service. But he has not ruled out haredi or Arab parties if they accept those rules. This distinguishes him from rival Avigdor Liberman, who refuses to sit with either group. Eisenkot’s careful ambiguity aims to avoid the trap that snared Naftali Bennett, who broke a pre-election pledge not to form a government with Yair Lapid and Mansour Abbas, eroding his credibility.
When asked directly whether he would rely on Arab parties, Eisenkot dodged. “We will establish a Zionist, statesmanlike government,” he said. He outlined three conditions for coalition partners: recognition of Israel as the Jewish nation-state, acceptance of the Declaration of Independence, and a commitment to national service. The answer left every door open.
How Does Eisenkot Differ from Benny Gantz?
Both are former IDF chiefs of staff who entered politics with high public trust. But Gantz in 2018 relied on ambiguity, letting voters project their hopes onto him. Eisenkot is more defined, having served three years in the Knesset and eight months in Netanyahu’s emergency government after October 7. The public knows his record, including his son’s death in Gaza. His appeal is emotional — a bereaved father from the periphery (Eilat), of Moroccan descent — but also political. He shares cultural credentials with Netanyahu’s base (Mizrahi, traditional, from the periphery) while offering a different leadership style.
Can Identity Politics on the Israeli Right Be Broken?
Eisenkot’s campaign is testing whether a candidate who shares the identity of Likud voters — but rejects Netanyahu’s divisive style — can win them over. He has focused campaigning outside Tel Aviv, in the North and South, and avoids personal attacks on Netanyahu. The question is whether emotional affinity can override decades of identity-based loyalty. Regardless of the answer, Yosef’s embrace and Eisenkot’s rejection already signal how profoundly Israel’s political map has been redrawn.
Frequently Asked Questions
Why is haredi conscription such a hot issue in Israel?
Many secular and traditional Israelis resent that haredi yeshiva students are exempt from military service, while their own children serve. The IDF faces a manpower crisis after October 7, making reform a top voter priority.
What is a “stinking maneuver” in Israeli politics?
It refers to Shimon Peres’s 1990 attempt to topple a unity government through secret deals with haredi parties. The term is now used to describe any backroom coalition deal seen as cynical or undemocratic.
Could Eisenkot still form a government with haredi parties?
Yes, if they accept the principle of national service. He has not ruled it out, but any such deal would face fierce criticism from voters who prioritize conscription reform.
